Austen’s fiction won recognition
during the Regency, at the period of the
constitution of Great Britain, through the 1800 Act of Union,
and the emergence of imperial power in the aftermath of the
Napoleonic Wars. The seeming conflict between the
relatively confined scenes and spaces of her narratives on the
one hand and the distant places and practices that underpinned
the relative comfort of the society she describes has become a
matter of greater scholarly interest since the devolution of
British Empire. Austen was aware of the relationships
between the domestic and the foreign and conscious of the new
national or, perhaps more properly stated, patriotic
consciousness. This new consciousness, especially of the
English aspect of Britishness, is most clearly articulated in
Emma, published in
1815. Alongside her other novels, including
Mansfield Park and
introduce the colonial domain,
Emma became a
particularly potent example of national cultural
effort—comparable in eventual influence with the projection of
the British military and economic system consolidated through
the Napoleonic Wars.
Austen’s picture of English social order
and scenery came to exemplify the supposed pre-eminence of
British culture during Empire (here defined as operating fully
between 1837-1957), but also, with the advent of postcolonial
conditions, the texting out of the harsher realities of the
British imperial system. This latter revisionist reading
of British culture and regime gathered momentum and even
critical hegemony after the publication of Edward Said’s
Orientalism in 1978.
The popular film and television adaptations of Emma, while
testifying to the continuing impact of Austen’s fiction, also
eliminate the harsher realities of British culture.
Consequently this essay seeks to reposition Austen’s fiction and
especially her brief definition of English culture in
Emma within both
Austen’s own historical context and much later Orientalist
discourse by examining the latent Orientalism (and global
interactions that influenced culture and aesthetics) during the
period in which Austen was writing.
The interconnection between
economic/strategic and cultural/literary power, examined in the
Orientalist and Postcolonial discourses, operated in Austen’s
personal life through the service of her brothers Francis and
Charles in the Royal Navy, the paramount institutional agent of
Emma was published in
December 1815, six months after the final military event of the
Napoleonic Wars, the Battle of Waterloo, was fought. The
novel’s narrative, however, was confined to locations in England
and to a patently perceived if not always overtly defined
sequence of built environments. These environments
parallel the ordered structure—or narrative architecture—of her
storytelling as they perform a comparable function of
articulation and assertion of cultural identity and value.
As Stephen Clarke has demonstrated, buildings and the built and
natural environment are essential attributes of Austen’s
literary craft.2 Real estate
and the income from resource extraction and agricultural, urban,
and industrial development that real estate yielded extended
directly into the transfer of dynastic advantage through the
social ritual of courtship and marriage so central to Austen’s
narrative. Furthermore, the majority of the architecture
described briefly in Austen’s fiction reflects the local
adaptation of imported design models.
The acquisitive appropriations accompanying
such interchange became increasingly manifest and exotic in
Austen’s lifetime. To a considerable extent, such
appropriation reflected the potent if less patently acknowledged
impact of colonial enterprise upon British economy and society.
The limited reference to the colonial component within British
economy and polity—with the partial exception of
Mansfield Park and
contributed to the Orientalist interpretation of Austen’s
writings as well as contemporary British culture. Such
interpretation of Austen reflects most of the main lines of
argument in Orientalist discourse. These can be summarized
in terms of four areas of concern. First, and most
generally, Orientalism is defined by the imitation or depiction
of Eastern (chiefly East and South Asian, but including African,
cultures) by Western (European or North Atlantic) artists or
craftspeople. This phenomenon is typified in the realm of
antiquarian enterprise by James Stuart’s depiction of Nicholas
Revett dressed in Oriental garb studying the “Theatre of
Dionysus Athens” in preparation for their celebrated folio
volume The Antiquities of
Nicholas Revett sketching “Theatre of Dionysus Athens” c. 1760
from The Antiquities of
Athens vol. 2 (1789)
Second, Orientalism has come to refer to
the feminization of the East, not least through stress upon the
exotic and erotic nature of such societies and especially their
women, and, third, to the processes of cultural stereotyping and
related ethnic subjugation, often described as “othering,”
exercised through knowledge no less than political or economic
regime. Fourth—and most pervasive in critical
inquiry—Orientalism defines the embedding in cultural production
of the unequal spatial distribution of economic, military and
political power. Austen, as noted, only indirectly
addressed matters of British overseas power and national
politics, but her novels certainly became central to the
exportation of British pedagogical and popular cultural
authority from the mid-nineteenth century.
A reading of Austen’s description of
“English culture” in Emma
set within the context of Regency design suggests, however, the
existence of a preliminary, less imperialist, phase of
Orientalist sensibility. This proto-Orientalism was more
associated with the cultural opportunism generated by
antiquarianism and enabled by commercial expansion than with the
strategic and cultural projection of British power.
By the beginning in 1815 of the Regent’s
Park scheme for redeveloping London, new and conflicted social
practices had already begun to emerge.3
The New Street and related redevelopment of fashionable London
stimulated a new type of print media that modernized and
popularized the production of (less obviously commercial)
antiquarian books on ancient, medieval, and overseas design.
East Side Regent Street, London, John Nash
Metropolitan Improvement (1827)
Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly, London, P. F. Robinson
Metropolitan Improvements (1827)
Each depended on an instrumental and
commercial understanding, or appreciation, of the historical
object as source of various species of material and symbolic
capital and on a conviction of the relevance of both the past
and the distant to contemporary practice.4
And those bibliographic combinations of visual and textual data
derived from, but also increasingly exercised, the expanding
reach of British initiative. The new geographies of
economic activity and cultural acquisition, plus individual and
collective identity-making, are nicely summarized in the
dedication Thomas Shepherd wrote to King George IV for
Improvements, or London in the Nineteenth Century:
Industry and a daring spirit of commercial
enterprise have characterized the British nation from the time
of Tacitus to the present day; when the influence of our
princely merchants, and the spirit of nautical discovery, which
signalize your Majesty’s reign, have extended the fostering
influence of our laws, customs and language and planted the
British standard, from the icy regions of the Polar Seas to the
verge of terra incognita
of Australasia. (v)
The transition toward the harsher, more
directly political or governmental type of Orientalism was
evidently gathering force prior to its codification in the
Although the metropolis was a recurrent
scene of Austen’s observation—running parallel to the frankly
commercial media operating in Rudolf Ackermann’s
The Repository of Arts,
Literature, Fashion & C (1809-1828)—her description of
English culture in Emma
regarded its rural environs. The passage occurs amid the
narration of important dispositions of individual relationships
during a visit to Mr. Knightley’s Donwell Abbey (the day before
the contentious picnic at Box Hill in southern England), and
with respect to Abbey-Mill Farm. Interestingly, her word
picture compares with the landscape engraved in the design for a
“Drawing Room Window Curtain” in the March 1815 issue of
“Drawing Room Window Curtain”
from The Repository of
Arts, Literature, Fashions & C
(March 1815), plate 12
It was a sweet view—sweet to the eye and
the mind. English verdure, English culture, English comfort,
seen under a sun bright, without being oppressive. . . . It
might be safely viewed with all its appendages of prosperity and
beauty, its rich pastures, spreading flocks, orchard in blossom,
and light column of smoke ascending. (360)
The passage chiefly concerns natural
(agri)culture rather than the creative cultural production or
design examined in this essay, but the level of interdependence
remained significant in the Regency period. Similarly,
while the passage is superficially bereft of Orientalism, it
engages with later nineteenth-century celebrations of British
properties of geography and creativity. Austen’s few
Emma summon up a
privileged, bucolic ideal of a modern British society removed
from uglier scenes of resource extraction, industrialization,
urbanization, and expanding overseas commercial and racial
Such filtering out of the wider practices
affecting the appearance of particular scenes has, rightly,
become a part of current critical discourses.6
Austen’s Picturesque word-picture of agrarian stability—itself
based partly on imported pictorial and literary
modes—anticipates the pictorial representation of peaceable and
plentiful English topographical and social culture by John
Constable.7 In 1821 Constable
exhibited “The Haywain” at the Royal Academy, depicting a
smoking chimney on its main architectural feature (Willy Lot’s
cottage) but omitting any visible indication of the ongoing
social unrest in contemporary England.
John Constable’s “The Haywain”
exhibited at the Royal Academy (1821)
In concert with
Emma and Austen’s
other novels, “The Haywain” and Constable’s major landscape
paintings became iconic images of Britishness and thereby
involved in the later Victorian official and popular projection
of the British regime.
That regime rested upon many less
attractive places and practices. Those unquiet sites and
disquieting systems did, as noted, infiltrate Austen’s fiction.
Nevertheless their relative insignificance has caused recent
academic scrutiny to convict her of negative Orientalist
tendencies and even of imperialist collusion.8
This paper will seek to modify such postcolonial critique by
considering the caste of Orientalist sensibility at work during
the Regency with particular respect to such contemporary
constructions of English culture as written by Austen in
The precise temporal definition of the
Regency remains the political arrangement of the Prince of
Wales’s regency 1811-1820 (prior to his coronation as King
George IV), but this paper accepts its customary extension of
1800-1837, the period spanning the Napoleonic Wars and the
ascension to the throne of Queen Victoria.9
That longer period enables a broader analysis of the range and
operation of imported cultural materials and models in British
design. It presents a picture of more random than truly
concerted appropriation, in which the exotic is not so much an
agenda of othering, or culturally expressed political
subjugation, as of aestheticized commercial opportunism.
In the increasingly technological frame of social and cultural
activity associated with the later modern era, the imprint of
such eclecticism is most evident in the furnishings of everyday
life. The intermixture of acquisitive antiquarianism and
elegant utility is especially evident in Regency furniture:
as in those “Drawing Room Chairs” shown in George Smith’s
A Collection of Design
for Household Furniture and Interior Decoration (1808), or
“Pocock’s Reclining Patent Chair” illustrated in the March 1813
issue of Ackermann’s
(Top) “Pocock’s Reclining Patent Chair”
Repository of Arts, Literature, Fashions & C
(Left) “Drawing Room Chairs”
Collection of Designs for Household Furniture and
Interior Decoration (1808)
Each publication represents the opening up
of new spaces for economic advantage that mobilize historical
data, contemporary technique, and idiosyncratic imagery to
establish the currency of fashion.
This proto-imperialist Orientalism
corresponds with the constrained acknowledgement by Austen of
colonialist racial exploitation and erasure in
Sanditon and most
particularly in Mansfield
Park. More recent scholars have variously followed the
geographical movements between the national and colonial domain
made by Sir Thomas
Bertram in Mansfield Park
as well as the social transposition Jane Austen herself effected
between the racial subjugation of African slaves and the gender
subservience of women in British society.10
Their approach acknowledges the complexity of the emergent
imperial socio-cultural landscape and the validity of literally
unpacking the temporal frame of Orientalism.
As John Nash, the most prominent (if
notorious) Regency architect, exercised license in his
adaptation of historical architectural iconography, the more
intellectually attuned Jane Austen selected only a limited set
of themes, issues and scenes to portray. For example, she,
like John Constable, chose not to address the massive (and
equally massively disadvantaged) underbelly of British society.
One disregarded component was the ranks of the British Army and
Navy, who endured harsh daily regime in establishing national
transoceanic commercial hegemony and global imperial regulation.
Nor did Austen precede Charles Dickens and Charles Kingsley,
among others, in exposing the especial exploitation of British
children in the industrial, agrarian, and urban economy.
In turning to the multicultural constituents of Regency
architecture and art, it is also worth noting the existence of a
vein of anxiety about or criticism of emergent British
imperialism in the Regency. The deficiencies of the
British East India Company—including to some extent deficiencies
in matters of social exploitation—had entered public debate with
the impeachment of Warren Hastings in 1787.11
In the major canvas he exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1815,
“Dido Building Carthage,” Constable’s great rival, J. M. W.
Turner, alluded to likely degeneration through imperial
J. M. W. Turner’s “Dido Building Carthage in the Rise of the
exhibited at the Royal Academy (1815)
Looking backward in 1847-1848, William
Thackeray set much of his novel—or narrative social satire—Vanity
Fair around 1815 and the Battle of Waterloo. Arguably
the most disparaged and pathetic character in the book is Joseph
Sedley, the visiting Indian Nabob. What is more, the scene
of his greatest humiliation is Vauxhall Gardens at London, built
with Chinese and Gothic styled structures from 1751.13
“A View of the Chinese Pavilions and Boxes” at Vauxhall Gardens,
Imported material culture and cultural
artifacts were, of course, circulating extensively through
Regency society as much as sugar from the Caribbean, spices from
South and East Asia, and raw materials from former and
continuing North American colonies. Those properties
formed part of a weakly regulated interchange of goods that was
not yet either truly hegemonic or dominant. The cultural
praxis in 1815 still
equated with the Pagoda William Chambers had erected at Kew
Gardens (1757-1782).14 The
structure was an outcome of Chambers’s service in the Swedish
East India Company and associated with a still amateur
acquisition of botanic knowledge, albeit intended for
instrumental application in the growing British world. Yet
it also reflected admission of the superior technologies and
techniques encountered in the Asias especially. The Pagoda
thus indicated cultural dependence even if it heralded a long
future of appropriation of Chinese things and practices
involving imperial economic and cultural subjugations.
Kew Gardens with Pagoda
William Chambers, architect (1757-1782)
Royal Pavilion, or Prince of Wales’s Marine Villa,
The Pagoda also anticipated the
demonstration at the Prince Regent’s Pavilion, or Marine Villa,
at Brighton of the exotic dimension of British overseas trading.15
That trading corresponded with expeditions to acquire knowledge
both antiquarian and scientific, with the former often resulting
in the trade in antique relics. Further levels of
instrumental value were the use of antiquities or historical
artifacts in cultural institutions for their associations with
prestige or to enhance design expertise for manufactured goods.
Chambers’s usual architectural practice
represented a parallel commodification of cultural exchange, an
antiquarian as opposed to an Orientalist strain. It
derived from design paradigms inherited from Renaissance and
Baroque Italy and France—ones that were imported, culturally and
climatically alien, ancient Mediterranean, and classically
inspired. In fact, the core architectural idiom of
Georgian and Regency Britain, the background of Jane Austen’s
work, was Palladianism, a synthesis of imported formal and
ornamental motifs chiefly drawn from the built and published
designs of the north Italian Renaissance architect Andrea
Wrotham Park, Middlesex
Isaac Ware, architect (1754)
The Palladian type influenced many
buildings of British economic, institutional or governmental
order at home and overseas.16
Cultural borrowing preceded cultural appropriation that would
later be deployed to legitimate colonial appropriation.
The rate of cultural imitation was speeded
up by British antiquarian endeavor, one not confined to the
ancient classical world but, by Austen’s lifetime, embracing
South and East Asia.17 Jupp
and Holland’s Palladian-cum-neoclassical East India House in
London (1796-1799) matched monumental architecture built in its
sphere of influence and the growth of dilettante and touristic
illustration of Indian antiquities.18
These illustrations may have performed primarily as visual
diversion and cultural novelty, but, along with the more
scholarly illustrated folios on Roman and Greek architecture,
they helped generate more scientific study as well as influence
Thomas and William Daniell’s “The Jummah Musjed,
from Thomas Hope’s
Furniture & Interior Decoration (1807)
This investigation of other cultures
admittedly was imbricated with the processes of knowledge and
power (later theorized by Michel Foucault), and it contributed
to the institutional inscription of Empire through museums and
art galleries.19 This kind of
alliance of amateur antiquarianism and connoisseurship with
social privilege was nicely scripted in
Emma: prior to
the visit to Donwell Abbey, George Knightley arranges for Mr.
Woodhouse to have access to his “[b]ooks of engravings, drawers
of medals, cameos, corals, shells, and every other family
collection within his cabinets” (362). Such private
ownership of bits of the material and creative domains equated
with private ownership of landed estates and public control of
distant lands: the feudal social order growing forward
into the ordering of the modern, latterly imperial world.20
These frameworks of cultural, economic, and
political opportunism became epitomized architecturally in a
series of Regency edifices. While some adapt exotic
historical design, from the Gothic to the Mughal, the majority
are in the Classic or Greek Revival mode.21
Together they confirm that a fundamental constituent of
modernity—namely, the interactive processes of capitalist,
commercial, and colonial expansion—was the practical application
of historical precedent to manage and articulate new techniques
and organizations. John Soane’s Bank of England,
constructed from 1788 to 1824, used quite differently-purposed
ancient Roman and Greek designs to provide diverse and densely
located spaces for innovatory financial services.22
In bald terms, Soane’s architecture situated, and thereby
stabilized, new practice in traditional garb.
East front of the Bank of England, London
John Soane, architect (1788-1824)
Metropolitan Improvements (1827)
North West front of the Bank of England, London
John Soane, architect (1788-1824)
Metropolitan Improvements (1827)
The symbolic meaning associated with the
Classical Orders—encompassing structural form and surface
decoration—was redirected to assert the integrity and durability
of novel systems of credit and investment; Soane also adapted
Renaissance conventions for the headquarters of the most
remarkable engine of British strategic and financial
National Debt Redemption Office on Whitehall (1817-1831).
The example of two more Classic Revival buildings will suffice.
One is the campus-plan college, scaled and detailed in the style
of a Greek temple, that the scholar-architect William Wilkins
built in 1806-1807 for military and civil cadets of the East
India Company at Haileybury.23
The reference to fifth-century B.C. Athenian architecture was
intended to attach ideal values as well as cultural capital both
to the task of training functionaries and to their regulatory
role in the subcontinent.
Plan and elevation, East India College, Haileybury
William Wilkins, architect (1806)
The legitimating force of imitated culture
was most manifest in the British Museum (1818-1826), designed by
another antiquarian architect, Sir Robert Smirke.24
A major public function of the British Museum was the display of
the architectural and sculptural relics removed by Lord Elgin
from Athens and environs as objects of study to enhance British
art and manufacture design. These antiquities had become
available for transport largely as a result of the British
alliance with the Ottoman Empire against the French invasion of
the modern Egypt and Palestine.25
They had been transported by the Royal Navy and purchased by the
British government in 1816, partly as proof of its growing
presumption of material and cultural superiority; through this
kind of acquisition, imitation is giving way to the forms of
appropriation examined in the Postcolonial aspect of Orientalist
hubris of this appropriation, however, was underscored by
the incomplete success of British arms in the War of 1812
(recalling the disastrous loss of the American colonies three
decades earlier), the escalating economic and social distress
following the cessation of the Napoleonic conflict, and the
scandals attending the Royal Family and especially the Prince
The Prince, not unlike William Beckford
before him, employed architecture to project an independent
identity.26 Beckford, son of
a successful London entrepreneur and the author of the exotic
Gothic novel Vathek
(1786), had commissioned James Wyatt (1796-1806) to fabricate a
country mansion, Fonthill Abbey, in Wiltshire, including space
to exhibit his bibliographic and antiquarian collections.27
Its architecture and plan played on ecclesiastical and secular
medieval precedent in contradistinction to the prevailing late
Palladian or Classic Revival taste and fashion. Its
planning and spatial organization courted sublime effect through
a picturesque visuality in the application of a still
historically and culturally distanced Gothic motif.
Staircase, Fonthill Abbey, Wiltshire
James Wyatt, architect (1796-1806)
The contrary cultural gambit was greatly
more evident in the lavish Indo-Saracenic bungalow that the
Prince hired John Nash in 1815 to conjure over and through the
simple French-style neoclassical villa built in the 1790s to the
designs of Henry Holland. The Brighton Pavilion far
surpassed such previous sallies into ancient Indian
architectural culture as Sezincote, Gloucestershire, designed in
1804-1805 by Samuel Cockerell for a retired senior official of
the East India Company.28
S. P. Cockerell, architect (1805)
By the completion of the Pavilion in 1818,
Nash had embarked, with the Prince Regent’s interest, in the
remarkable and eventually comprehensive Regent’s Park urban
redevelopment scheme for London.29
The scheme and Nash’s architectural palette displayed the
cultural goods of British overseas commerce while instituting a
remarkable system of goods and services for modern urban living.
His street facades borrowed licentiously from many historical
sources, chiefly ancient Classical. Those borrowings
represented a commerce of taste or, more properly, of fashion in
support of new forms of commercial practice and commodification
of everyday life.30
Historical motif, extracted from antiquarian publications and
bibliographic commerce, operated as a visual mechanism of
selling—whether of insurance as in the Neo-Palladian County Fire
Office, or temporary accommodation as in the Neo-Greek
Piccadilly Hotel (each on Piccadilly Circus, 1818-1819), or
women’s hosiery and apparel in the eclectic Classical Swan and
Edgar’s store (on Regent’s Street, 1819-1821).
Swan and Edgar Shop, Regent Street, London (1819-20)
from Thomas Edwards’s
Good and Bad Manners in Architecture (1924; 1948)
Nash’s magpie-like appropriation of
antiquarian cultural capital to aggrandize the capital city
mirrored the opportunistic caste of British economic and
political enterprise during the Regency period. His design
was less grounded academically than many of his peers, but it
nonetheless replicated the breadth of geo-cultural origin and
instrumental use of historical tradition in Regency
Jane Austen’s literary production was
considerably more sophisticated than Nash’s architectural
production but similarly was molded and enabled by Britain’s
evolving colonial enterprise. The cultural appropriations
that accompanied British appropriation of overseas resources and
markets compounded during Austen’s working life as a writer in
the Regency. Nevertheless the process of appropriation had
not yet become a concerted othering of non-native cultures or a
project to secure British imperial interest.31
That kind of appropriation would eventuate during the reign of
Queen Victoria and consolidate after the Indian Mutiny, or
Rebellion, of 1857.
from Punch (12 Sept.
The novels of Jane Austen, relating a
seemingly true narrative picture of “English verdure, English
culture, English comfort,” would come to constitute a major
component of the cultural imperialism now generally identified
The Orientalist and Postcolonial discourses are defined
by Edward Said in
Culture and Imperialism, the former being reassessed by John
MacKenzie in Orientalism:
History Theory and the Arts and with respect to British
architecture, by Mark Crinson in
The Austen family’s links to the Royal Navy are related by Brian
Southam in Jane Austen
and the Navy.
See Clarke’s essays in
3. These new practices are
examined in relation to the development by Jane Rendell in
The Pursuit of Pleasure.
The reconsideration of the instrumentality of culture
owes much to Pierre Bourdieu’s
Field of Cultural
The contrasts are analyzed from different social and
artistic standpoints by Nigel Everett in
The Tory View of
Landscape and Ronald Paulson in
A particularly relevant study is Moira Ferguson’s
Colonialism and Gender
A useful summary of the
Picturesque appears in David Watkin’s
interpretation has been argued by Kuldip Kuwahara in “Jane
Austen’s Mansfield Park”
and by You-me Park and Rajeswari Sunder Rajan in
The Postcolonial Jane
For the chronological and aesthetic description of the
Regency see Paul Reilly’s
Regency Architecture, Donald Pilcher’s
Regency Style, David
Watkin’s Regency, and
John Morley’s Regency
These themes are studied by Ferguson and by Jon Mee.
Public attitudes and the historical context are examined
by Patrick Turnbull in
Turner’s view of empire is discussed by John Gage.
The history of the Gardens is recounted by T. J.
Edelstein and Brian Allen in
14. The Pagoda and its
place in his design work are recounted by John Harris in
Sir William Chambers.
For this commission, see John Morley’s
The Making of the Royal
16. The transcontinental
influence of Andreas Palladio’s architecture and publication is
summarized by John Harris in
This aspect of imperial exchange is studied by Thomas
Metcalf in Imperial
Some of this endeavor, concentrated in South Asia, is
reviewed by Mildred Archer in
19. Foucault’s main
study of this phenomenon is
Discipline and Punish.
20. The diverse
operations and outcomes of antiquarianism receive attention in
Stuart Piggott’s Ruins in
An introduction to the Greek Revival in Britain is J. M.
Crook’s Greek Revival.
The relation between
architecture and financial services is analyzed by Eva
Schumann-Bacia in John
Soane and the Bank of England.
The commission and
Wilkins’s architecture and scholarship are examined by Windsor
Liscombe in William
Wilkins, and with greater stress on design and social
regulation, in “Deconstructing Wilkins.”
The strategic context is
indicated by William St. Clair in
Lord Elgin and the
For the Prince Regent,
see Hibbert’s George IV.
27. The life and
taste of Beckford are examined by Philip Hewart-Jaboor and Derek
Ostergard in William
28. The history of
the house is recounted at
Regent’s park scheme occupies a significant part of Sir John
Summerson’s critical biography,
Life and Work of John
These new forms are set in context by Windsor Liscombe in
“The Commodification of Civic Culture.”
31. See Said’s
Culture and Imperialism.
India Observed: India as
Viewed by British Artists 1760-1860. London: Victoria
& Albert Museum/Trefoil, 1982.
Emma. Ed. R. W.
Chapman. 3rd ed. Oxford: OUP, 1933.
Field of Cultural
Production: Essays on Art and Literature. Ed. Randal
Johnson. Cambridge: Polity P, 1993.
The Gothic Revival.
London: Phaidon, 1999.
Clarke, Stephen. “Abbeys Real and
Imagined: Northanger, Fonthill and Aspects of Gothic Revival.”
_____. “A Fine House Richly
Furnished: Pemberley and the Visiting of Country Houses.”
_____. “What Smith did at Compton:
Landscape Gardening, Humphrey Repton and Mansfield Park.”
Orientalism and Victorian Architecture. London:
Crook, J. M.
Neoclassical Attitudes in British Architecture 1760-1860.
London: Murray, 1972.
London: Lane, 1972.
Edelstein, T. J., and Brian Allen.
New Haven: Yale Center for British Art, 1983.
The Tory View of
Landscape. New Haven: Yale UP, 1994.
Colonialism and Gender
Relations from Mary Wollstonecraft to Jamaica Kincaid: East
Caribbean Connections. New York: Columbia UP, 1993.
Discipline and Punish:
The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan.
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J. M. W.
Turner: A Wonderful Range
of Mind. New Haven: Yale UP, 1987.
New York: Rizzoli, 1982.
Sir William Chambers:
Knight of the Polar Star. London: Zwemmer, 1970.
Hewat-Jaboor, Philip, and Derek Ostergard.
1760-1844: An Eye for the Magnificent. New Haven: Yale
London: Longman, 1972.
Kuwahara, Kuldip Kaur. “Jane Austen’s
Property and the British Empire.”
Theory and the Arts. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1992.
Mee, Jon. “Austen’s Treacherous
Ivory: Female Patriotism, Domestic Ideology and Empire.”
Postcolonial Jane Austen.
Ed. You-me Park and Rajeswari Sunder Rajan. London:
Routledge, 2000. 79-90.
India and the Indian Ocean Area 1860-1920. Berkeley: U
of California P, 2007.
The Making of the Royal
Pavilion Brighton. London: Sotheby, 1984.
Regency Design 1790-1840.
London: Zwemmer, 1993.
Park, You-me, and Rajeswari Sunder Rajan,
Jane Austen. London: Routledge, 2000.
Turner and Constable. New Haven: Yale UP, 1982.
Ruins in a Landscape:
Essays in Antiquarianism. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP,
The Regency Style.
London: Batsford, 1953.
An Introduction to
Regency Architecture. New York: Pellegrini, 1948.
The Pursuit of Pleasure:
Gender, Space and Architecture in Regency London. New
Brunswick: Rutgers UP, 2000.
Culture and Imperialism.
New York: Knopf, 1993.
New York: Pantheon, 1978.
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